Opinion
Illegality Of Sealing off Premises In Nigeria
Across Nigeria, commercial and residential premises are sealed off by government agencies in a purported execution of regulatory or tax mandate. Some private bodies equally seal off the houses of fellow citizens on grounds of non-payment of debts. Even landlords seal off apartments for failure of tenants to pay rents as and when due. However, when premises are sealed off without first obtaining a court order, it is tantamount to self-help—an unlawful method of exercising power without recourse to judicial process. Nigerian courts have consistently condemned this approach on the grounds that it is crude, illegal and unconstitutional.
Self-help refers to actions taken by a person or authority to enforce their alleged rights or claims without judicial authorization. Self-help is particularly unlawful when it involves force, intimidation, or interference with rights without legal sanction. The Supreme Court in the case of The Military Governor of Lagos State v. Chief Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (1986) 1 NWLR (Pt. 18) 621, described self-help by government as executive lawlessness, emphasizing that even the State must abide by the rule of law because it rules by law.
Ground rent collection and presidential intervention.
Recently, the Minister of the FCT, Nyesom Wike, justified his decision to seal off offices including the PDP secretariat and the FIRS office in Abuja for alleged violations of urban planning regulations. The controversial nature of the action, executed without prior judicial orders, drew widespread condemnation as critics argued that it represented another instance of executive overreach and self-help by state authorities. The incident highlights the ongoing tension between administrative enforcement and constitutional rights and underscores the urgent need for judicial oversight in property-related sanctions.
Following widespread public concern, President Bola Tinubu intervened in the extrajudicial move by the Authorities of the Federal Capital Territory Authority (FCTA) to enforce ground rent defaults by granting a 14-day grace period before sanctions would apply. This step not only reflected public sensitivity to enforcement actions but also demonstrated the importance of procedural fairness and notice. It further emphasized the role of dialogue and legal compliance over coercive measures like sealing off properties without judicial input.
Judicial decisions on sealing off premises without Court Order
Several statutory frameworks empower authorities to regulate premises—such as the Urban and Regional Planning Act (1992), Lagos State Physical Planning Permit Regulations, Local Government Laws, tax and health laws. However, enforcement must comply with procedural safeguards such as issuance of notices and provision for hearing, failing which the action is void.
In many cases, Nigerian courts have held that no agency of government has the right to seal off any premises without first obtaining a valid court order. This is rooted in Sections 36, 43 and 44 of the 1999 Constitution which guarantee the fundamental rights of citizens to fair hearing, right to privacy of their homes, right to acquire and own immovable property anywhere in Nigeria and right not to have interest in any such property acquired compulsorily in any part of Nigeria except in the manner and for the purposes prescribed by a law. Similar rights are protected by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights Ratification and Enforcement Act.
Sealing off premises under military regime
Under the defunct military junta, the courts kicked against the practice of sealing off premises. It was the position of the courts that the occupier or owner of a property was entitled to be notified, heard, and subjected to judicial scrutiny before any action could be taken by public authorities and private bodies or individuals. Since the premises of newspaper houses were regularly sealed off under the defunct military junta, a couple of examples are hereunder reviewed.
Concord Press of Nigeria Limited v Attorney-General of the Federation (unreported suit FHC/L/CS/608/94)
In the case of the National Concord Newspaper v Attorney-General of the Federation, the Applicant’s premises along the airport road, Ikeja in Lagos State were sealed off by armed soldiers. In defending the action, the legal notice submitted to the court stated that the premises of the newspaper were “sealed up”. Our law firm sued the military junta on the instructions of the publisher of the newspaper, the late Bashorun M.K.O Abiola.
The presiding Judge, Justice James Oduneye agreed with my submission that since the enabling decree provided that the premises of offending newspaper could be sealed off the legal notice was illegal as it stated that the premises be “sealed up”. The action was also faulted on the grounds that the Applicant was not afforded the opportunity to make a representative to the authorities before the military invasion of the premises. Consequently, the court awarded damages of N500,000 and ordered the immediate reopening of the newspaper. The Court warned against punitive actions taken by government authorities without affording the target an opportunity to be heard
Attorney-General of the Federation & ors v. Punch Nigeria Ltd & Anor (2019) LPELR-48142(SC):
On July 29, 1994, a combined team of soldiers and police personnel invaded and sealed off the premises of the Punch Newspaper in Ikeja, Lagos State. The editor of the newspaper, Bola Bolawole who was on duty at the material time was arrested and detained. On behalf of the newspaper, Chief Gani Fawehinmi SAN challenged the action of the Sani Abacha military junta at the Federal High Court.
In his epochal judgment, Justice T.A. Odunowo condemned the actions of the security agencies and the state for failing to follow due process. The Court held that the rule of law must be observed by the State even under a state of emergency. As the respondent could not justify the reckless abuse of power, the court ordered the respondents to vacate the premises and pay damages of N25 million to PUNCH and an additional sum of N100,000 to the editor, Mr. Bola Bolawole for his unlawful detention.
The appeals filed by the Federal Government against the judgment were dismissed with costs by both the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It was the view of both appellate courts that the appeals were lacking in merit.
Sealing off premises under a democratic government
Under the current political dispensation, the premises of any house or business cannot be sealed off without a court order and without affording the owner or occupier the opportunity of fair hearing. In Bamgboye v. University of Ilorin (1999) 10 NWLR (Pt. 622) 290, the Supreme Court emphasized that no authority or institution can take adverse action against a citizen’s property or rights without affording him an opportunity to be heard in accordance with Section 36 of the Constitution.
Unilateral sealing off premises amounts to constructive expropriation or deprivation of property. It is a tortious interference with possessory rights.
In Eze v. Spring Bank Plc (2011) LPELR-CA/PH/255/2009, the Court of Appeal reaffirmed that forcibly locking up premises, denying access, or disrupting possession without judicial authorization constitutes trespass and a violation of the right to property. The Court emphasized that the proper procedure is through court processes, not administrative fiat.
The right to fair hearing is sacrosanct. When a government agency seals off a property without informing the owner or securing judicial approval, it breaches the constitutional guarantee. In Ayo Fayose v. EFCC (unreported Suit No. FHC/IB/CS/47/201), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) sealed off the Ibadan residence of the Applicant during an investigation. However, it did so without obtaining a court order.
The Federal High Court in Ibadan ruled the action illegal and awarded N10 million in damages against the EFCC for violating the claimant’s constitutional right to property. The Court emphasized that investigative bodies—even those empowered to tackle financial crimes—must operate within constitutional limits. The ruling set a strong precedent against sealing off premises without a court order.
Unlawful sealing of business premises represents institutional disregard for the rule of law. In Association of Motor Dealers of Nigeria v. Nigeria Customs Service, (unreported Suit No. FHC/L/CS/1233/2021), the Federal High Court (per Akintayo Aluko J.) ruled that the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) was liable for sealing off over 400 car dealerships in Lagos without judicial authorization. The dealers sued for unlawful invasion, and the Court found that the NCS acted outside the bounds of its statutory authority by sealing off the auto shops arbitrarily. In awarding N500 million in general and aggravated damages, the Court condemned the “high-handed and illegal” conduct of the agency, reaffirming that the rule of law cannot be sacrificed on the altar of administrative convenience.
Sealing off premises is inherently coercive and falls under judicial power. Administrative bodies that bypass courts violate separation of powers. In Union Bank of Nigeria Plc v. Alhaji Adams Ajabule & Another [2011] NGSC 5 (15 December 2011), the Supreme Court emphasized that no person or authority is permitted to resort to self-help in enforcing any right, regardless of how legitimate the underlying claim may be. The bank’s attempt to enforce a claim without recourse to judicial adjudication was roundly condemned.
The judgment reiterates that judicial process must precede any enforcement action, and any bypass of the courts amounts to executive lawlessness and abuse of power. This decision is critical in strengthening the argument that regulatory or enforcement bodies cannot unilaterally seal premises or properties without judicial backing.
Conclusion.
It is crystal clear from all the decided cases that the courts have ruled that individuals, financial institutions and government agencies, are not permitted to engage in the collection of rents, levies and taxes without strict compliance with legal and procedural rules. Where the law empowers regulatory agencies to seal off the premises of defaulters, the right of such defaulters to fair hearing must be respected in strict compliance with section 36 of the Nigerian Constitution. Enforcement agencies must act within the bounds of the law by applying for court orders before sealing off the any premises of any person.
Finally, it is pertinent to draw the attention of governments and citizens to the case of Attorney-General of Lagos State vs. Attorney-General of the Federation (2004) 18 NWLR (PT 904) 1 at 127-128, where the Supreme Court enjoined governments and citizens to always resolve disputes by seeking redress in court and refrain form resorting to self help. According to Niki Tobi JSC of blessed memory:
“In a society where the rule of law prevails, self help is not available to the Executive or any arm of government. In view of the fact that such a conduct could breed anarchy and totalitarianism, and since anarchy and totalitarianism are antitheses to democracy, courts operating the rule of law, the life blood of democracy, are under a constitutional duty to stand against such action. The courts are available to accommodate all sorts of grievances that are justiciable in law and section 6 of the Constitution gives the courts power to adjudicate on matters between two or more competing parties. In our democracy all the Governments of this country as well as organizations and individuals must kowtow to the due process of the law and this they can vindicate by resorting to the courts for redress in the event of any grievance.”
Thenewsnigeria.com.ng
Health
Profit Or Public Health? A False Choice In The Sachet Alcohol Debate
Nationwide tensions are on the rise as the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) sticks to its guns over the full enforcement of a ban on alcoholic beverages in sachets and small bottles (200ml and below). The prevailing narrative surrounding the enforcement has been framed as a moral battle: profiteers on one side and public health defenders on the other. It is a powerful headline. It is also a misleading one.
To suggest that industry stakeholders are prioritising profit over public health is to oversimplify a complex policy issue and to mischaracterise the motivations of thousands of Nigerians whose livelihoods are directly tied to the sector. This debate is not about corporate greed. It is about economic survival, regulatory balance, and the interconnectedness of health and livelihoods.
Public health does not exist in isolation from economic stability. When policies trigger large-scale job losses, destabilise value chains, and threaten billions in local investments, the consequences ripple far beyond factory gates. They reach homes, schools, hospitals, and communities. They affect the same families whose welfare regulators say they are protecting. It is therefore disingenuous to reduce legitimate economic concerns to “profit-seeking.” What is at stake extends beyond balance sheets.
The sector impacted by the ban supports a vast ecosystem: manufacturers, distributors, small-scale retailers, logistics providers, packaging suppliers, marketers, and informal traders. Estimates referenced by labour groups indicate that millions of livelihoods may be affected directly and indirectly. Whether the precise figure is debated or not, the scale of economic exposure is undeniable.
When factories scale down or shut production lines, it is not shareholders who suffer first. It is line workers, drivers, depot staff, retail shop owners, and their dependents. In an economy already grappling with inflation, currency volatility, and high unemployment, the social consequences of abrupt regulatory shocks must be carefully weighed.
Economic displacement carries health consequences of its own. Poverty correlates strongly with deteriorating health outcomes. Job loss leads to reduced access to healthcare, increased stress, poorer nutrition, and vulnerability to mental health challenges. A regulatory action that triggers economic shockwaves can indirectly undermine public health in ways that are less visible but no less severe.
What’s more, the Director-General of NAFDAC, Mojisola Adeyeye, has emphasised concerns about underage access to alcohol in small, concealable packaging. The protection of minors is unquestionably a legitimate policy objective. No responsible stakeholder disputes the need to prevent underage drinking or substance abuse.
However, the central question remains: “does banning a packaging format sufficiently address the root causes of alcohol abuse?”
Product size alone does not create consumption behaviour. Underage access is primarily an enforcement issue. Retail compliance, age verification, perimeter control around schools, parental supervision, and community-level enforcement mechanisms play decisive roles. If minors are able to purchase alcohol, regardless of packaging size, then the regulatory focus must interrogate points of sale and enforcement gaps.
Furthermore, alcohol in larger containers remains legally available. The removal of sachet and small PET formats does not eliminate alcohol from the market. It merely alters packaging dynamics. If consumption is driven by behavioural and socio-economic factors, the packaging shift may not produce the intended public health outcome.
There is also the matter of proportionality. Regulatory action should be measured, targeted, and responsive to evolving economic conditions. The 2018 agreement referenced by NAFDAC outlined a phased approach. Yet between 2018 and 2024, Nigeria experienced unprecedented economic turbulence — including pandemic disruptions, supply chain shocks, foreign exchange volatility, and inflationary pressures that strained manufacturing capacity.
Phased compliance assumes a relatively stable economic environment. When that stability collapses, regulators must evaluate whether timelines remain feasible without disproportionate harm. Flexibility in policy implementation is not weakness. It is responsible governance.
Another dimension that deserves serious reflection is the risk of unintended consequences. Sudden restrictions on regulated products can create market distortions. When legitimate supply chains contract abruptly, informal and unregulated alternatives often emerge. Counterfeit production, illicit distribution, and unsafe substitutes become attractive gaps to exploit.
Nigeria’s regulatory history across multiple sectors has demonstrated that prohibition-style measures, if not carefully calibrated, may push demand underground rather than eliminate it. An unregulated alternative market would pose far greater public health risks than a monitored, licensed production environment.
It is therefore imperative to interrogate whether the current approach optimally balances health protection with economic stability and enforcement realism.
Equally troubling is the language deployed in public discourse. Framing the debate as a binary moral question — “Do we want children to die or do we want money?” — may resonate emotionally, but it does not elevate policy analysis. Such rhetoric risks polarising stakeholders rather than fostering collaborative solutions.
No serious industry actor advocates harm to children. No responsible labour union is indifferent to public health. The argument advanced by stakeholders is not that economic interests trump health; it is that both must be protected simultaneously.
Public health and economic health are not adversaries. They are interdependent pillars of national stability.
The involvement of labour organisations such as the Nigeria Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria underscores that this debate transcends corporate interests. When labour unions raise alarms about job losses, they are fulfilling their mandate to defend workers, not to undermine health objectives.
In democratic governance, engagement with policymakers is neither subversive nor unethical. Consultation, advocacy, and dialogue are legitimate mechanisms for resolving complex policy conflicts. Casting stakeholder engagement as clandestine lobbying undermines the very participatory governance structures that sustain accountability.
The broader issue at hand is regulatory balance. Effective regulation should aim for outcomes that are sustainable, enforceable, and economically coherent. It should incorporate data transparency, measurable impact assessments, and periodic review mechanisms. It should also align with a comprehensive National Alcohol Policy framework to ensure consistency rather than fragmentation.
A policy that destabilises millions of livelihoods without conclusively addressing root behavioural drivers risks creating parallel crises: economic distress and public health strain.
Nigeria’s current socio-economic climate demands prudence. Youth unemployment remains high. Small and medium-scale enterprises are navigating a volatile operating environment. Manufacturing costs continue to rise. In this context, policy shocks reverberate intensely.
The country cannot afford solutions that inadvertently deepen economic fragility.
The question, therefore, should not be framed as “profit versus public health.” It should be reframed as “How do we protect public health while safeguarding livelihoods and economic resilience?”
That is the conversation worthy of a serious nation.
Protecting children from alcohol abuse requires comprehensive enforcement strategies, educational campaigns, community engagement, retailer accountability, and behavioural interventions. Packaging restrictions may form part of a broader toolkit, but they cannot substitute for systemic solutions.
Public health objectives are noble and necessary. Yet they must be pursued with economic intelligence and regulatory foresight.
In the final analysis, a nation’s strength lies in its ability to harmonise competing interests without sacrificing either. Health without livelihoods breeds poverty. Livelihoods without regulation breed disorder. The challenge is not choosing one over the other; it is integrating both responsibly.
According to key industry stakeholders, the economic disruption projected to arise from NAFDAC’s wholesale enforcement is in the region of 500,000 direct job losses, 5 million indirect job losses, and the loss of over N800 billion in investments. While NAFDAC is hell bent on the ban, the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (OSGF) and the National Security Adviser (NSA) had earlier directed a suspension, citing security and economic risks.
Some industry thought leaders also maintain that the ban may drive a radical and harmful shift with consumers gravitating toward dangerous, unregulated, or illicit alcohol alternatives.
Suffice it to say that reducing the debate to a morality play does not serve the Nigerian public. What is required is sober assessment, collaborative engagement, and a recalibration that ensures children are protected, workers are not abandoned, and economic stability is preserved.
Opinion
Edo State To Spend N1billion On Armoured Car For Speaker, N4.6billion On Vehicles For Lawmakers
The budget also reveals that N4.6 billion is planned for vehicles for the 25 members of the State House of Assembly.
Reporters’ review of the Edo State approved budget for 2026 shows that N1billion has been allocated to purchase an armoured vehicle for the Speaker of the State House of Assembly.
The budget also reveals that N4.6 billion is planned for vehicles for the 25 members of the State House of Assembly.
Also, N50million is planned for the purchase of refrigerators and other equipment for four directors. The House of Assembly Commission also plans to spend 200 million naira on roof and window replacement for its office building.
Earlier, a civic accountability group, MonITng, raised concerns over the execution of a multi-million-naira education project in Edo State, citing poor quality, procurement irregularities, and a recurring pattern of questionable contract awards.
“A project titled ‘Building of Blocks of Classrooms at Ojah Comprehensive High School, Akoko LGA, Edo State’ with project code ZIP20240448, valued at ₦222,000,000.00, and awarded under the Federal Polytechnic Auchi, Federal Ministry of Education, has raised serious concerns about the quality of execution, contract pricing, and procurement integrity.”
According to MonITng, its team tracked and inspected the project site. “Our team tracked and visited the project site and confirmed that although the classrooms were completed, they were poorly constructed.”
The group further noted: “The structure lacks basic finishing elements such as landscaping, proper drainage, and standard finishing works, all of which should have been included and adequately executed, given the huge sum budgeted for the project.”
It added that “the poor quality of work raises questions about project supervision, contract oversight, and how the allocated funds were spent.”
MonITng also linked the project to a contractor allegedly tied to multiple controversial contracts. “Even more troubling is the pattern we uncovered. The project was executed by Sam Sedi Nig. LTD, a company that has consistently received major contracts facilitated by Senator Adams Oshiomhole.”
The group claimed that “this same contractor handled the abandoned ERGP20245252 project, Construction of Warake to Ivbiaro Road in Owan East LGA, valued at ₦200,000,000.00, which remains incomplete despite significant disbursements.”
“Additionally, the same company implemented a controversial agricultural empowerment programme in Etsako communities, also facilitated by Senator Oshiomhole.”
MonITng alleged that “the recurring involvement of this contractor in multiple projects, combined with substandard delivery and abandoned works, suggests a pattern of procurement manipulation, inflated contracts, and possible diversion of public resources.”
It added that “the situation reflects how public projects, although completed on paper, often fail to deliver a meaningful impact due to corruption, poor supervision, and a lack of accountability.”
Opinion
APC E-registration Plot To Manipulate 2027 Polls – Ogun LP
The Ogun State chapter of the Labour Party has accused the All Progressives Congress of using its ongoing electronic membership registration to allegedly manipulate figures ahead of the 2027 general elections.
In a statement issued on Wednesday, the state chairman of the Labour Party, Chief Oluwabukola Soyoye, claimed that the APC’s e-registration exercise was designed to digitally inflate its membership strength and project a false image of popularity in the state.
Soyoye alleged that the ruling party had resorted to electronic registration because it could no longer mobilise people openly, insisting that the administration of Governor Dapo Abiodun had suffered widespread rejection due to what he described as underperformance.
According to him, the APC’s e-registration, presented as a routine membership drive, was in reality “a political referendum that exposes the deep rejection of Governor Dapo Abiodun and his black-market style of governance by the people of Ogun State.
“The people of Ogun are now wiser. They have deliberately refused to participate in any open, physical APC registration because they know the ruling party has failed them,” Soyoye said.
“That is why the APC has resorted to this so-called electronic registration — a system that allows figures to be fabricated behind closed doors without the presence of real members.”
The LP further alleged that the electronic platform could be used to manipulate membership data, inflate figures and create a misleading narrative of political dominance ahead of 2027
“What we are witnessing is not a genuine political exercise but a fraudulent digital operation designed to manufacture legitimacy for a government that has lost the confidence of the people,” Soyoye added.
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