Opinion
Lessons From The Vatican, A Muslim View
Recently, Pope Leo XIV appealed against the recent senseless killings of people in Benue State, Nigeria. He said:
“On the night of 13th/14th June, in the town of Yelwata in the Guma Local Government Area, in Benue State in Nigeria, a terrible massacre occurred in which around 200 people were killed with extreme cruelty, most of whom were internally displaced persons hosted by the local Catholic mission. I pray that security, justice and peace will prevail in Nigeria, a beloved country so affected by various forms of violence. And I pray in a special way for the rural Christian communities in Benue State, who have been unceasingly the victims of violence.”
It is good that the Pope spoke against the senseless killings of Christians in Nigeria. He is a Catholic leader but to the credit of the Vatican, it has been speaking for world peace. The Christians value their lives, if other Nigerians don’t.
In fact, the Vatican has consistently identified with the problems of the Palestinians, although about 90 per cent of them are muslims. The Catholic Church has its challenges and problems but there are some lessons the world can learn from it. After all, the prophet of Islam said that knowledge and wisdom are the property of the believer. Therefore, he should seek and take them, even if it requires going to China, a country that had nothing to do with Islam at that time. Perhaps, to date.
This piece is about papacy, an office and institution. And I’m fairly conversant with the papacy as an institution because I offered European History in the university, where we examined the origin and development of Christianity, including the rebellion of Martin Luther and his 95 allegations called Theses, against the Catholic Church in 1517, based on which he was excommunicated (disowned) in June 1520 by Pope Leo X.
I have also read a number of books on contemporary issues in the Vatican and papacy. The one I found most engaging and intriguing is titled, “In God’s Name – An investigation Into the Murder of Pope John Paul I” by David Yallop. Over six million copies were sold, and The Economist (London) described it as, “Excellently done… an engrossing and disturbing book”. Indeed, like all other religious groups, the Catholic Church has its share of challenges. But this is not our focus.
For clarity, the pope refers to “the individual leader of the Catholic Church, the Bishop of Rome, who serves as the spiritual leader and Head of State of Vatican” while the papacy refers to “the office, dignity, and jurisdiction of the pope, encompassing the institution, authority, and tradition of the papal office”.
Now, the lessons. First, let me start with power. If there is to be president of the world, based on global acceptance of his followers, the pope is eminently qualified, as a spiritual leader and head of government (Vatican) whose about 1.4 billion followers cut across all countries, races and continents.
Interestingly, it is an enormous power which the Pope doesn’t use to massage his (not her) ego or acquire material wealth. I put “her” in bracket because there has never been a female Pope, and the struggle now is for an African, not female Pope.
With a population of 882 people, and as an enclave in Italy, the Vatican is the smallest country in the world but with sovereignty, independence and self-government. Thus, the pope is a strong leader, as head of government and at the same time spiritual leader in the world. But I cannot recall reading about an instance where the pope used this ENORMOUS POWER against humanity.
Secondly, all the four occupiers of the office of the pope in my life, were paragons of humility, the climax of which was the kissing of the feet of warring faction leaders of Southern Sudan. You may recall that John Garang took up arms for the freedom of Southern Sudan from the Arabs of Sudan who they accused of racism. However, Pope Francis knelt down and kissed the feet of their leaders. This may not mean anything in some cultures but the pope succeeded in sending a powerful message to them pleading for peace.
The president of Southern Sudan, Salva Kirr, stated in his tribute to Pope Francis that:
“His act of kindness and humility demonstrated during our visit to Rome in 2019, when he knelt down to kiss our feet was a turning point for us, the peace partners. I was almost trembling” (Agnes Aineah, ACI Africa, Juba, April 23, 2025)
Thirdly, all the popes preached peace and love for humanity regardless of religion, gender or race. And they matched their words with action. For example, they never abandoned the Palestinians who are predominantly Muslims and Arabs. Imagine the set back the Palestinians may have experienced if any of the Popes had called on Catholics in the world to support Israel.
Of course, only God knows the pressure put on them to do so. But Pope Francis died calling for ceasefire and humanitarian intervention for Palestinians in Gaza. To the dismay of war mongers, I believe.
The Catholic Church is known for effective organisation and management based on which it successfully runs thousands of dioceses and parishes all over the world. It does this by engaging in productive businesses to generate wealth to cater for its officials and followers. This commitment to social services like education, health etc earned it the respect of its followers which makes management and discipline easier.
Also, their officials are constantly trained and retrained to discharge their duties effectively. For example, see the address of Pope John Paul II to the plenary session of the congregation for the clergy entitled, “The Priest, Pastor, and Leadership of the Parish Community”, delivered on Friday November 23, 2001.
He specifically stated that, “in fulfilling his duty as guide, which is his personal responsibility, the pastor will surely obtain help from the consultative bodies foreseen by canon law”.
In the same vein, the Vatican has been teaching the world how to conduct free and fair elections. No petition. No tribunal. No court case.
For us in Nigeria, the lessons are important, because there will always be Muslims and Christians in the country. Therefore, they must learn to live in peace on the basis of justice and fairness. We must also continue to pray for peace in the country. Even if Nigeria is to break, let the new countries have something to show for wasting their time in Nigeria.
Be that as it may, it would be interesting, for example, just as the Muslims were persecuted in Mecca and the prophet of Islam sent them to present day Ethiopia where there was a just Christian king called Najashi of Aksum empire, if some Muslims are to be persecuted in Nigeria today, they will find peace in the Vatican. And the Sultan of Sokoto should be comfortable enough to send them there.
Finally, it will be good if the Vatican examines the possibility of changing the colours of the smoke they use as symbols of election of a new pope; with black indicating mourning, and white victory for the election of a new pope. All colours are innocent but people will continue to attach meanings to them.
There appears to be light at the end of the tunnel in Benue. For example, President Muhammadu Buhari expressed frustration that he directed the Inspector General of Police to relocate to Benue during a similar attack but he refused. Today, the Inspector General of Police and Chief of Defence Staff are there already before President Bola Tinubu directed them to go.
Should we all say, Shalom!
Dailytrust.com
Health
Profit Or Public Health? A False Choice In The Sachet Alcohol Debate
Nationwide tensions are on the rise as the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) sticks to its guns over the full enforcement of a ban on alcoholic beverages in sachets and small bottles (200ml and below). The prevailing narrative surrounding the enforcement has been framed as a moral battle: profiteers on one side and public health defenders on the other. It is a powerful headline. It is also a misleading one.
To suggest that industry stakeholders are prioritising profit over public health is to oversimplify a complex policy issue and to mischaracterise the motivations of thousands of Nigerians whose livelihoods are directly tied to the sector. This debate is not about corporate greed. It is about economic survival, regulatory balance, and the interconnectedness of health and livelihoods.
Public health does not exist in isolation from economic stability. When policies trigger large-scale job losses, destabilise value chains, and threaten billions in local investments, the consequences ripple far beyond factory gates. They reach homes, schools, hospitals, and communities. They affect the same families whose welfare regulators say they are protecting. It is therefore disingenuous to reduce legitimate economic concerns to “profit-seeking.” What is at stake extends beyond balance sheets.
The sector impacted by the ban supports a vast ecosystem: manufacturers, distributors, small-scale retailers, logistics providers, packaging suppliers, marketers, and informal traders. Estimates referenced by labour groups indicate that millions of livelihoods may be affected directly and indirectly. Whether the precise figure is debated or not, the scale of economic exposure is undeniable.
When factories scale down or shut production lines, it is not shareholders who suffer first. It is line workers, drivers, depot staff, retail shop owners, and their dependents. In an economy already grappling with inflation, currency volatility, and high unemployment, the social consequences of abrupt regulatory shocks must be carefully weighed.
Economic displacement carries health consequences of its own. Poverty correlates strongly with deteriorating health outcomes. Job loss leads to reduced access to healthcare, increased stress, poorer nutrition, and vulnerability to mental health challenges. A regulatory action that triggers economic shockwaves can indirectly undermine public health in ways that are less visible but no less severe.
What’s more, the Director-General of NAFDAC, Mojisola Adeyeye, has emphasised concerns about underage access to alcohol in small, concealable packaging. The protection of minors is unquestionably a legitimate policy objective. No responsible stakeholder disputes the need to prevent underage drinking or substance abuse.
However, the central question remains: “does banning a packaging format sufficiently address the root causes of alcohol abuse?”
Product size alone does not create consumption behaviour. Underage access is primarily an enforcement issue. Retail compliance, age verification, perimeter control around schools, parental supervision, and community-level enforcement mechanisms play decisive roles. If minors are able to purchase alcohol, regardless of packaging size, then the regulatory focus must interrogate points of sale and enforcement gaps.
Furthermore, alcohol in larger containers remains legally available. The removal of sachet and small PET formats does not eliminate alcohol from the market. It merely alters packaging dynamics. If consumption is driven by behavioural and socio-economic factors, the packaging shift may not produce the intended public health outcome.
There is also the matter of proportionality. Regulatory action should be measured, targeted, and responsive to evolving economic conditions. The 2018 agreement referenced by NAFDAC outlined a phased approach. Yet between 2018 and 2024, Nigeria experienced unprecedented economic turbulence — including pandemic disruptions, supply chain shocks, foreign exchange volatility, and inflationary pressures that strained manufacturing capacity.
Phased compliance assumes a relatively stable economic environment. When that stability collapses, regulators must evaluate whether timelines remain feasible without disproportionate harm. Flexibility in policy implementation is not weakness. It is responsible governance.
Another dimension that deserves serious reflection is the risk of unintended consequences. Sudden restrictions on regulated products can create market distortions. When legitimate supply chains contract abruptly, informal and unregulated alternatives often emerge. Counterfeit production, illicit distribution, and unsafe substitutes become attractive gaps to exploit.
Nigeria’s regulatory history across multiple sectors has demonstrated that prohibition-style measures, if not carefully calibrated, may push demand underground rather than eliminate it. An unregulated alternative market would pose far greater public health risks than a monitored, licensed production environment.
It is therefore imperative to interrogate whether the current approach optimally balances health protection with economic stability and enforcement realism.
Equally troubling is the language deployed in public discourse. Framing the debate as a binary moral question — “Do we want children to die or do we want money?” — may resonate emotionally, but it does not elevate policy analysis. Such rhetoric risks polarising stakeholders rather than fostering collaborative solutions.
No serious industry actor advocates harm to children. No responsible labour union is indifferent to public health. The argument advanced by stakeholders is not that economic interests trump health; it is that both must be protected simultaneously.
Public health and economic health are not adversaries. They are interdependent pillars of national stability.
The involvement of labour organisations such as the Nigeria Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria underscores that this debate transcends corporate interests. When labour unions raise alarms about job losses, they are fulfilling their mandate to defend workers, not to undermine health objectives.
In democratic governance, engagement with policymakers is neither subversive nor unethical. Consultation, advocacy, and dialogue are legitimate mechanisms for resolving complex policy conflicts. Casting stakeholder engagement as clandestine lobbying undermines the very participatory governance structures that sustain accountability.
The broader issue at hand is regulatory balance. Effective regulation should aim for outcomes that are sustainable, enforceable, and economically coherent. It should incorporate data transparency, measurable impact assessments, and periodic review mechanisms. It should also align with a comprehensive National Alcohol Policy framework to ensure consistency rather than fragmentation.
A policy that destabilises millions of livelihoods without conclusively addressing root behavioural drivers risks creating parallel crises: economic distress and public health strain.
Nigeria’s current socio-economic climate demands prudence. Youth unemployment remains high. Small and medium-scale enterprises are navigating a volatile operating environment. Manufacturing costs continue to rise. In this context, policy shocks reverberate intensely.
The country cannot afford solutions that inadvertently deepen economic fragility.
The question, therefore, should not be framed as “profit versus public health.” It should be reframed as “How do we protect public health while safeguarding livelihoods and economic resilience?”
That is the conversation worthy of a serious nation.
Protecting children from alcohol abuse requires comprehensive enforcement strategies, educational campaigns, community engagement, retailer accountability, and behavioural interventions. Packaging restrictions may form part of a broader toolkit, but they cannot substitute for systemic solutions.
Public health objectives are noble and necessary. Yet they must be pursued with economic intelligence and regulatory foresight.
In the final analysis, a nation’s strength lies in its ability to harmonise competing interests without sacrificing either. Health without livelihoods breeds poverty. Livelihoods without regulation breed disorder. The challenge is not choosing one over the other; it is integrating both responsibly.
According to key industry stakeholders, the economic disruption projected to arise from NAFDAC’s wholesale enforcement is in the region of 500,000 direct job losses, 5 million indirect job losses, and the loss of over N800 billion in investments. While NAFDAC is hell bent on the ban, the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (OSGF) and the National Security Adviser (NSA) had earlier directed a suspension, citing security and economic risks.
Some industry thought leaders also maintain that the ban may drive a radical and harmful shift with consumers gravitating toward dangerous, unregulated, or illicit alcohol alternatives.
Suffice it to say that reducing the debate to a morality play does not serve the Nigerian public. What is required is sober assessment, collaborative engagement, and a recalibration that ensures children are protected, workers are not abandoned, and economic stability is preserved.
Opinion
Edo State To Spend N1billion On Armoured Car For Speaker, N4.6billion On Vehicles For Lawmakers
The budget also reveals that N4.6 billion is planned for vehicles for the 25 members of the State House of Assembly.
Reporters’ review of the Edo State approved budget for 2026 shows that N1billion has been allocated to purchase an armoured vehicle for the Speaker of the State House of Assembly.
The budget also reveals that N4.6 billion is planned for vehicles for the 25 members of the State House of Assembly.
Also, N50million is planned for the purchase of refrigerators and other equipment for four directors. The House of Assembly Commission also plans to spend 200 million naira on roof and window replacement for its office building.
Earlier, a civic accountability group, MonITng, raised concerns over the execution of a multi-million-naira education project in Edo State, citing poor quality, procurement irregularities, and a recurring pattern of questionable contract awards.
“A project titled ‘Building of Blocks of Classrooms at Ojah Comprehensive High School, Akoko LGA, Edo State’ with project code ZIP20240448, valued at ₦222,000,000.00, and awarded under the Federal Polytechnic Auchi, Federal Ministry of Education, has raised serious concerns about the quality of execution, contract pricing, and procurement integrity.”
According to MonITng, its team tracked and inspected the project site. “Our team tracked and visited the project site and confirmed that although the classrooms were completed, they were poorly constructed.”
The group further noted: “The structure lacks basic finishing elements such as landscaping, proper drainage, and standard finishing works, all of which should have been included and adequately executed, given the huge sum budgeted for the project.”
It added that “the poor quality of work raises questions about project supervision, contract oversight, and how the allocated funds were spent.”
MonITng also linked the project to a contractor allegedly tied to multiple controversial contracts. “Even more troubling is the pattern we uncovered. The project was executed by Sam Sedi Nig. LTD, a company that has consistently received major contracts facilitated by Senator Adams Oshiomhole.”
The group claimed that “this same contractor handled the abandoned ERGP20245252 project, Construction of Warake to Ivbiaro Road in Owan East LGA, valued at ₦200,000,000.00, which remains incomplete despite significant disbursements.”
“Additionally, the same company implemented a controversial agricultural empowerment programme in Etsako communities, also facilitated by Senator Oshiomhole.”
MonITng alleged that “the recurring involvement of this contractor in multiple projects, combined with substandard delivery and abandoned works, suggests a pattern of procurement manipulation, inflated contracts, and possible diversion of public resources.”
It added that “the situation reflects how public projects, although completed on paper, often fail to deliver a meaningful impact due to corruption, poor supervision, and a lack of accountability.”
Opinion
APC E-registration Plot To Manipulate 2027 Polls – Ogun LP
The Ogun State chapter of the Labour Party has accused the All Progressives Congress of using its ongoing electronic membership registration to allegedly manipulate figures ahead of the 2027 general elections.
In a statement issued on Wednesday, the state chairman of the Labour Party, Chief Oluwabukola Soyoye, claimed that the APC’s e-registration exercise was designed to digitally inflate its membership strength and project a false image of popularity in the state.
Soyoye alleged that the ruling party had resorted to electronic registration because it could no longer mobilise people openly, insisting that the administration of Governor Dapo Abiodun had suffered widespread rejection due to what he described as underperformance.
According to him, the APC’s e-registration, presented as a routine membership drive, was in reality “a political referendum that exposes the deep rejection of Governor Dapo Abiodun and his black-market style of governance by the people of Ogun State.
“The people of Ogun are now wiser. They have deliberately refused to participate in any open, physical APC registration because they know the ruling party has failed them,” Soyoye said.
“That is why the APC has resorted to this so-called electronic registration — a system that allows figures to be fabricated behind closed doors without the presence of real members.”
The LP further alleged that the electronic platform could be used to manipulate membership data, inflate figures and create a misleading narrative of political dominance ahead of 2027
“What we are witnessing is not a genuine political exercise but a fraudulent digital operation designed to manufacture legitimacy for a government that has lost the confidence of the people,” Soyoye added.
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