Opinion
Why Trump And Bukele Are Destroying Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s Life
The two want to block all channels for legally challenging their lucrative prison scheme.
In March, the United States government deported to El Salvador 29-year-old Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Salvadoran national who had lived and worked in the US for almost half his life. Little did he know that he would soon be the face of US President Donald Trump’s sinisterly exuberant mass deportation campaign.
Married to US citizen Jennifer Vasquez Sura, Abrego Garcia was detained while driving in Maryland with the couple’s five-year-old autistic son, who got to witness his father’s capture by the US forces of law and order and has apparently been severely traumatised as a result. In a subsequent court affidavit, Vasquez Sura said her son, who cannot speak, had been “very distressed” by the “sudden disappearance of his father”, crying more than usual and “finding Kilmar’s work shirts and smelling them, to smell Kilmar’s familiar scent”.
Of course, tearing families apart and traumatising children has long been par for the bipartisan course in everyone’s favourite “land of the free”, although Trump has certainly made more of a sensational spectacle out of it than his Democratic predecessors, Joe Biden and Barack Obama. Anyway, there is nothing like sowing a bunch of fear and psychological trauma in the name of national security, right?
Abrego Garcia was deported to El Salvador along with more than 200 other people, who shared the honour of serving as demonised guinea pigs in the Trump administration’s current experiments in sadistic countermigration policy. The deportees were swiftly interned in the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), the notorious mega-prison built by Nayib Bukele, El Salvador’s self-described “coolest dictator in the world”. The facility houses thousands of people arrested under the nationwide “state of emergency”, which was declared in 2022 and shows no sign of abating.
Under the pretence of fighting a war on gangs, Bukele has imprisoned more than 85,000 Salvadorans – over 1 percent of the country’s population – in an array of jails that often function as blackholes in terms of indefinitely disappearing human beings as well as any notion of human and legal rights. And now that incoming US funds and deportees have boosted El Salvador’s international carceral clout along with Bukele’s tough-guy image, there is even less of a rush to end the “emergency”.
Meanwhile, the case of Abrego Garcia in particular has provided both Trump and Bukele with an extended opportunity to showcase their mutual passion for sociopathy and disdain for the law. As it so happens, Abrego Garcia’s deportation to El Salvador occurred in direct violation of a 2019 ruling by a US immigration judge, according to which he could not be deported to his native country on account of the dangers that such a move would pose to his life.
Indeed, Abrego Garcia fled to the US as a teenager, precisely out of fear for his life following gang threats to his family. And although the US government was quickly forced to acknowledge that his deportation in March had occurred “because of an administrative error”, the Trump-Bukele team remains determined not to rectify it.
After all, this would set a dangerous precedent in suggesting that the possibility of recourse to justice does in fact exist, and that asylum seekers in the US should not have to live in terror of being spontaneously disappeared to El Salvador by “administrative error”.
As per a recent New York Times article exposing the details of the debate within the Trump administration over how to manage the PR side of the Abrego Garcia blunder before it became public, officials from the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) “discussed trying to portray Mr. Abrego Garcia as a ‘leader’ of the violent street gang MS-13, even though they could find no evidence to support the claim”.
But a lack of evidence has never stopped folks who are not concerned with facts and reality in the first place. Trump officials have continued to insist on Abrego Garcia’s affiliation with MS-13, while the president himself has unabashedly invoked a doctored photograph of tattoos on the man’s knuckles. The administration has also relied heavily on the fact that, in 2019, the police department in Prince George’s County, Maryland, decided that Abrego Garcia was a gang member because he was wearing a Chicago Bulls hat, among other oh-so-incriminating behaviour.
To be sure, the frequency with which US law enforcement outfits cite Chicago Bulls merchandise as alleged proof of gang membership would be laughable given the US basketball team’s massive domestic and international fanbase – if, that is, such preposterous profiling tendencies did not directly translate into physical and psychological torment for Abrego Garcia and countless other individuals.
In April, the US Supreme Court ordered the Trump administration to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return to the US. In addition to thus far failing to comply with that order, the administration has gone to ludicrous lengths to defy a separate order from US District Judge Paula Xinis that it provide details about what exactly it is doing to secure Abrego Garcia’s release.
Apparently irked by Judge Xinis’s pushiness, Trump administration officials then went with the good old “state secrets” excuse, which would enable the withholding of information regarding Abrego Garcia’s case in order to safeguard “national security” and the “safety of the American people”, as DHS spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin put it.
Bukele, for his part, has handled the Abrego Garcia situation with a petulant and vengeful machismo befitting the world’s “coolest dictator”, taking to X to ridicule the wrongfully abducted and imprisoned man. During an April visit to his partner in crime in the Oval Office in Washington, Bukele made clear to reporters that he would not be lifting a finger on Abrego Garcia’s behalf: “How can I smuggle a terrorist into the United States?”
Speaking of terrorism, it is worth recalling that, long before the current “state of emergency” in El Salvador, the US had an outsized hand in supporting right-wing state terror in the country, where the civil war of 1979-92 killed more than 75,000 people.
The majority of wartime atrocities were committed by the US-backed Salvadoran military and allied death squads, and countless Salvadorans fled north to the US, where MS-13 and other gangs formed as a means of communal self-defence. Following the war’s end, the US undertook the mass deportation of gang members to a freshly devastated nation, paving the way for continued violence, migration, and deportation and culminating, of course, in the world’s coolest dictatorship.
As they say, nothing fuels the consolidation of power and evisceration of rights like a solid “terrorist” enemy – and at the present moment, Abrego Garcia holds the dubious distinction of serving as that enemy for not one but two sociopathic heads of state. At the end of the day, though, Abrego Garcia is no Osama bin Laden; he is just a random guy whose calculated torment is meant as a warning to anyone who might be feeling too confident in the rule of law.
Trump has already proposed sending US citizens to El Salvador for incarceration, as well – and to hell with any semblance of legality. To that end, the president has proposed that Bukele build more prisons, a project that presumably will not require much arm-twisting.
Now, as the US government goes about annihilating the rights of foreign nationals and legal citizens alike, it is safe to assume that no one is safe.
Aljazeera.com
Three Nigerians have been jailed for separate offences in the United Kingdom, with one sentenced for dangerous driving, another for attempting to murder his estranged wife and the third for attempting to meet a child following sexual grooming.
A 23-year-old Nigerian, Michael Nwanze, was sentenced to 13 months in prison after pleading guilty to dangerous driving and other offences following a police chase in Northampton.
According to Northamptonshire Police, Nwanze was stopped in Abington Square on March 10, 2026, after the vehicle he was driving was flagged for having no insurance.
He allegedly sped off, drove through several red lights and reached speeds of more than 100mph on a dual carriageway and 70mph in a 40mph zone. He also collided with several vehicles while attempting to evade the police.
Nwanze was later charged with dangerous driving, driving without insurance, failing to stop for police and driving otherwise than in accordance with a licence.
He pleaded guilty at Northampton Crown Court in April and was sentenced in June.
In Scotland, a 26-year-old Nigerian, Osarenkhoe Atutie, was sentenced to seven-and-a-half years in prison for attempting to murder his estranged wife, Victory Atutie, in Edinburgh.
According to the BBC, Atutie attacked his wife on Duke Street, Leith, in November 2025 after tracking her down following the breakdown of their marriage.
The High Court in Edinburgh heard that the victim suffered 12 stab wounds and was hospitalised for four days.
Three members of the public intervened, disarmed Atutie and restrained him until police arrived. His original 10-year sentence was reduced to seven-and-a-half years after he pleaded guilty.
He was also given a lifetime non-harassment order and will remain under supervision for 18 months after his release.
Meanwhile, a Nigerian student, Anderson Ishiekwene, was sentenced to three years in prison after being convicted of attempting to meet a child following sexual grooming.
According to the BBC, the 25-year-old Ishiekwene, who arrived in the UK on a student visa in August 2025, communicated with a decoy profile operated by an online paedophile hunter group after believing the person was a 14-year-old girl.
Prosecutors said he exchanged hundreds of pages of messages with the decoy before arranging to meet at a shopping centre in Washington, England. He was arrested when he arrived at the agreed location.
Ishiekwene had earlier admitted attempting to engage in sexual communications with a child and was convicted by a jury of attempting to meet a child following sexual grooming.
He was ordered to sign the sex offenders register and comply indefinitely with a Sexual Harm Prevention Order, with the court stating that he was likely to face automatic deportation after completing his sentence.
It was another sad day last Monday when the news broke that a serving colonel of the Nigerian Army had been killed while his wife was shot in an attack on their residence near Abuja.
The slain officer, Colonel Abdussalam Ude, was attacked shortly after returning to his home in Kurudu District of the nation’s capital, on Monday evening. His driver and security guard also sustained gunshot wounds during the assault.
Citing security sources, PRNigeria said the attackers attempted to abduct the officer but met stiff resistance. After failing to take him away, the assailants allegedly shot the officer multiple times before fleeing the scene.
His wife, driver and security guard, who were caught in the attack, were rushed to hospital and were receiving treatment for varying degrees of gunshot injuries.
The killing has sent shockwaves through military circles, coming at a time Colonel Ude was preparing for his promotion to the rank of Brigadier General.
An indigene of Enugu State, the late officer served in several strategic intelligence and counter-terrorism roles within the Armed Forces. LawEnforcement
Colleagues described him as a courageous and highly respected intelligence officer whose dedication to duty earned him widespread admiration within the military.
Besides the fact that the killing has renewed concerns over attacks on serving and retired military officers in Abuja and other parts of the country, the killing of a senior military officer by gunmen right inside his residence, also shows how unsafe the country has become for both ordinary and privileged Nigerians.
It is particularly worse for military personnel. They are not safe on the battlefront; they are not safe at home and they are safe in retirement.
The incident comes about two years after retired Brigadier General Uwem Harold Udokwere was killed by armed men who invaded his residence in the Lokogoma area of Abuja while he was defending his family. The attackers reportedly escaped with his firearm and other valuables.
The federal government has to seriously come up with a strategy on how to end the incessant killings in the country. In the last one week, over 70 people have been killed across the country. Nigerians cannot continued to leave in fear.
-THISDAY
BREAKDOWN EMERGES
Nigerian ambassadors’ pay packages have come under renewed attention. Fresh figures revealed that while basic salaries remained modest, allowances significantly boosted overall compensation for diplomats posted abroad
Reports showed that total monthly take-home pay often reached several million naira, reflecting the high costs of overseas postings
According to Salary.com, as of December 2025, the average annual salary for employees at the Nigerian Embassy in the United States stood at $93,909. This translated to an approximate hourly wage of $45.
Salaries at the embassy typically ranged from $82,124 to $107,453 annually, reflecting the diverse roles and levels of experience within the organisation. Reports indicated that pay was influenced by factors such as job role, department, years of service, and location.
Nigerian Ambassador Salary Structure
Rufai Oseni of Arise TV reported that the salary of Nigerian ambassadors was governed by the Consolidated Diplomatic, Consular and Foreign Service Cadre Salary Structure (CONPSS) in the Nigerian public service. Ambassadors usually fell into the highest grade levels, GL 17 or equivalent, with additional allowances for overseas postings.
Based on government budget allocations, salary surveys, and reports on foreign service personnel costs, the basic salary was described as modest by international standards but supplemented by substantial allowances.
Basic Salary of Nigerian Ambassadors Monthly Basic Pay:
Approximately ₦800,000 to ₦1,200,000 (about $485–$727 USD).
Annual Basic Salary: ₦9.6 million to ₦14.4 million (about $5,818–$8,727 USD).
These figures were drawn from the CONPSS scale for top-tier diplomatic officers. Entry-level foreign service officers reportedly earned around ₦300,000–₦500,000 monthly, but ambassadors, being at the top of the career ladder, commanded the upper end.
The figures also aligned with general public sector pay for Grade Level 17 officers, adjusted for inflation and the 2025 minimum wage increase to ₦70,000.
Allowances and Total Compensation
Reports highlighted that basic pay alone did not reflect the full compensation package.
Nigerian ambassadors posted overseas received allowances designed to offset high living expenses, hardship, and representational duties.
Total monthly take-home pay often exceeded ₦2–5 million ($1,212–$3,030 USD), depending on the host country.
The release of estimated salaries shed light on the financial structure of Nigeria’s foreign service. While the basic salary remained modest compared to international standards, allowances ensured that ambassadors were adequately supported in their overseas postings.
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