What is Umuganura Day?

Umuganura is one of Rwanda’s most significant cultural observances. The festival gives thanks to God and ancestors for the bounty of the land and marks the collective effort of communities in cultivating it. Despite being called a harvest festival, it is observed before the harvest begins, a tradition rooted in the practice of elders tasting the fruits of the new season before any family member is permitted to do so.

The celebration starts within individual families and then expands into wider community gatherings where traditional foods, crafts, and performances are shared. Rwandan restaurants and cultural centres, both at home and abroad, typically mark the occasion with special offerings tied to the country’s culinary heritage.

Agriculture sits at the heart of why the day carries such weight. About 80% of Rwanda’s labour force is engaged in farming activities, which contribute roughly 40% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product. Tea and coffee are the country’s most important cash crops, making up around 80% of its agricultural exports.

History of Umuganura festival

Umuganura has survived considerable upheaval. Germany colonised Rwanda in 1899 as part of German East Africa, and Belgium took control in 1916 during World War I. The prolonged period of colonial rule disrupted the festival, and it went uncelebrated for many years. Rwanda gained independence in July 1962, and the country gradually rebuilt its national identity in the decades that followed.

Despite its ancient origins, Umuganura was only formally recognised as a public holiday in 2011. Beyond its cultural significance, the day also serves as an occasion to reflect on the country’s yearly achievements across the sectors that drive national development.

The statement conveyed the governor’s approval directly, noting that the exercise was designed to reposition the civil service for greater efficiency under the current administration.

Newly appointed permanent secretaries were urged to carry out their duties with diligence and competence in support of the government’s broader objectives, Punch reported.

According to the statement, the postings take immediate effect. All handover processes between outgoing and incoming officers are expected to be concluded no later than Wednesday, August 12, 2026.

Uba-Sulaiman described the appointments as a call to greater responsibility and selfless service to the people of Kano State, Vanguard reported.

Sylva, who is believed to be outside Nigeria, has denied involvement in the alleged plot.

According to investigation records reviewed by PREMIUM TIMES, Mohammed made 47 payments to various beneficiaries between September 20 and 30, 2025, as preparations for the alleged coup intensified.

The transactions occurred shortly before dates reportedly considered by the alleged conspirators for the operation, including September 27, October 1 and October 4.

The plan collapsed following Ma’aji’s arrest on September 29, 2025.

Investigators said several members of the alleged network were unaware of his arrest, allowing the BDC operator to continue making transfers until September 30.

Mohammed also reportedly continued receiving funds from Purple Waves until October 2.

In an extra-judicial statement to investigators, Mohammed said he had maintained a longstanding foreign exchange relationship with Ma’aji before the Purple Waves transactions began.

“Sometimes, Oga Ma’aji will call me to ask for a dollar price. If he asks me, I’ll tell him,” he wrote.

“Sometimes, he will ask if he can buy $1,000 or $3,000. Sometimes, he will ask for $10,000 or $9,000.”

He said their dealings later expanded to larger transactions involving accounts operated by A&A Express Link, ASA Multipurpose Concept and Luji Trade and Investment Limited.

Mohammed recalled receiving the first two major payments of ₦150m each into his Providus Bank account around September 18.

“Oga Ma’aji called me around 18 September 2025. He told me his people would pay money into the account,” the statement read.

“As I checked the account, I saw ₦150,000,000 in A&A Express in Providus Bank.”

He said Ma’aji subsequently sent instructions through a WhatsApp voice note directing him to pay ₦10m into a First Bank account.

Mohammed claimed another ₦150m was later credited to the same account, followed by transfers of ₦100m, ₦50m, another ₦100m and ₦50m into his Luji Trade and Investment account at Fidelity Bank.

He confirmed receiving a total of ₦785m from Purple Waves between September 20 and October 2, 2025.

Investigators alleged that some serving and former military personnel received payments for operational responsibilities in the planned takeover.

Lt. Col. Shamsudeen Bappah, allegedly assigned to seize and hold the 102 Battalion in Zuma, Niger State, reportedly received ₦5m on September 27.

Lt. Felix Sunday Stephen, who was allegedly tasked with surveying an airport in Lagos, gathering intelligence and disrupting flights on the proposed operation day, reportedly received an initial ₦5m on September 23 and another ₦12m two days later.

An army officer identified as Lt. Aminu John allegedly received ₦10m on September 22.

Maj. Mundi Usman, who was reportedly assigned to lead an operation at the Presidential Villa, allegedly received multiple transfers, including ₦10m on September 23, another ₦10m on September 25 and ₦5m on September 28.

Squadron Leader Zuzu Noel Goddy of the Nigerian Air Force allegedly received ₦1m on September 28 to deploy gun trucks onto the Abuja airport runway and halt flight operations.

Another officer, Squadron Leader Sani Bubara Adamu, allegedly received ₦1m on September 25 for a purported operation targeting the Air House. Investigators said he remained at large.

Other alleged beneficiaries included former Capt. Abubakar Mohammed, Corporal Aliyu Ibrahim and Warrant Officer Nasiru Ibrahim, who reportedly received ₦5m each.

The records also identified an Islamic cleric, Goni Bukar, as one of the largest individual beneficiaries.

Investigators alleged that Bukar was engaged to provide spiritual support for the planned operation.

He reportedly received ₦10m on September 20, ₦20m on September 23 and another ₦20m on September 29, bringing the total transferred to him to ₦50m.

The cleric has maintained in statements attributed to him that money received from Ma’aji was intended for prayers, charity and mosque-related activities rather than an attempt to overthrow the government.

Investigators also traced several transfers to corporate accounts.

An account belonging to Cutzbytz Cakes reportedly received ₦10.3m on September 22, ₦20m on September 26 and ₦1.2m the following day.

Other recipients listed in the records included Co-fran Spinfluence, which allegedly received ₦32m; Aduko Engineering Services, ₦3.5m; Schutmann Nigeria Limited, ₦10m; Overere Services Limited, ₦15m; and Auto Revive, ₦6.26m.

An auto dealer identified as Ahmed Abdulganiyu allegedly received ₦46.5m on September 27.

Alhaji Abubakar Maliki reportedly received two payments totalling ₦55m, while Christopher Elube allegedly received two transfers totalling ₦36m on September 28.

Investigators said the use of corporate accounts suggested that some beneficiaries received the alleged coup funds through business entities rather than personal accounts.

Mohammed reportedly admitted transferring more than ₦700m to the listed beneficiaries on Ma’aji’s instructions.

The investigation records showed that the BDC operator received names, account details and payment amounts from the colonel.

“Later, he called me to his house in Lokogoma to calculate some money that I paid into people’s accounts,” Mohammed stated.

“He brought out his paper and his list to show me and tell me to buy $5,000 to bring to his house.”

The Nigerian Army reportedly recovered the funds that had not been disbursed when the BDC operator was arrested.

Investigators said the suspected conspirators used agricultural expressions to conceal their communications.

The entire operation was allegedly referred to as “farming,” while logistics were called “fertilisers.”

The proposed execution day was described as the “harvest,” the operation itself as “digital farming,” and clerics consulted for prayers as “technical partners.”

The records alleged that Sylva initially hesitated to support the plot before later becoming a major financier through Purple Waves.

The company’s account reportedly held more than ₦5bn when disbursements began in September 2025.

More than 40 suspects, including serving and retired military personnel, a police officer, clerics and civilians, were arrested between September and October 2025.

Thirty-six military personnel are facing trial before a General Court Martial in Abuja.

Six other defendants are standing trial before Justice Joyce Abdulmalik of the Federal High Court in Abuja on 13 counts.

The defendants before the Federal High Court have challenged the admissibility of their statements and video recordings.

They argued that the evidence was obtained in violation of safeguards provided under the Administration of Criminal Justice Act.

The prosecution, however, urged the court to dismiss the objections and admit the materials in evidence.

Five associates of Sylva are also reportedly being prosecuted over allegations that they failed to disclose information about his whereabouts.