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Revealed: How Obasanjo Tried To Humiliate Mike Adenuga, By Awujale
The paramount ruler of Ijebuland,Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona has sensationally revealed how former President Olusegun Obasanjo tried to rope in business mogul,Otunba Mike Adenuga in for corruption in 2006.
The case in question was the botched attempt to arrest Adenuga by security operatives that year.
The incident forced the multi-billionaire into exile.
The revered traditional ruler writing in ‘Awujale: The Autobiography of Alaiyeluwa Oba S.K Adetona, Ogbagba II’ recalled efforts made to stop Adenuga from alleged persecution by Obasanjo and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) led at the time by Nuhu Ribadu.
His words: “The EFCC in Lagos had come calling brusquely on Mike Adenuga (Jnr), Chairman Globacom on 9 July 2006. They broke his gate, swarmed into his house and kept him under ‘arrest’. When I heard about the arrest, I called the legal firms, of Ayanlaja SAN & Adesanya SAN as well as Professor Biodun Adesanya SAN to take up the matter and secure Mike’s release. They swung into action and gave indication that they would take the matter to court.
“By evening, it was no longer necessary to go to court as Mike, following his statement to EFCC, had been released with instructions to report regularly to the EFCC headquarters in Abuja. Mike proceeded to Abuja, accompanied by his lawyer, Prof. Biodun Adesanya SAN. Indirectly related to this case, the EFCC had quizzed and released Mohammed Babangida, Ibrahim Babangida’s son. The EFCC purportedly were on the trail of some money belonging to the Petroleum Trust Development Fund (PTDF), but there was really more beneath the veneer.
“While Mike was in Abuja, he was counselled to see Obasanjo to extricate himself. For four days, he made attempts to see Obasanjo but was unsuccessful. After a few days in Abuja with no case pressed against him by EFCC, he returned to Lagos. Not long afterwards, and in the heat of this mess, Obasanjo did two things that puzzled me.
“He called Mike to meet him at a social event in Lagos –Engr. Olapade’s birthday celebration. Mike and Obasanjo were both captured by press photographers in the newspapers at the event. Following the celebration, Obasanjo asked Mike to accompany him to Ota. It was in Ota that he solicited for the construction of the Administration Block of his university, Bells University in Ota. Mike agreed and Carchez Turnkey Projects Ltd handled the project for him. It appeared the whole matter, the EFCC hunt, simmered and Mike continued about his business.
On a trip to Ghana, he ran through his Nigerian daily newspapers and discovered that the situation was unfolding in a more revealing version. The EFCC had arrested Mohammed Babangida. Mike read between the lines and proceeded to the UK on exile. When I visited the UK, Mike came to see me, and wanted me to facilitate a meeting with Obasanjo so that he could present his side of the case. The allegations against him were as follows:
a. That Abubakar Atiku, the Vice-President, gave Mike Adenuga money from the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) which were invested in Mike’s bank, Equatorial Trust Bank (ETB), and that the funds were used in paying for the Globacom licence.
b. That as a result of the connection in (a) Atiku was a major shareholder in Globacom. And Atiku used his clout to ensure that PTDF money got into ETB.
c. That General Ibrahim Babangida, the former Head of State, was also a major shareholder in Globacom.
“It was not enough for Mike to merely present his case to EFCC, for it seemed the EFCC was under some remote control. The Presidency was after Atiku. Atiku at some point was the Chairman of the PTDF; an attempt was being made to indict him for alleged illegal and unauthorized channelling of PTDF money into Globacom. All sorts of rumours were flying around and the Presidency wanted to pin down the case against Atiku. If Ibrahim Babangida also fell into the trap, so much the better.
“A wide opening presented itself and EFCC seized it.
“G. Subair is Mike’s second cousin. His father died young and he grew up, just as I did in my early life, living with Mike’s mother. He worked for Mike and was seconded, amongst other things, to open the Kaduna office for Globacom. In need of accommodation or office space, he leased, on behalf of Globacom, a house, at 2-3 Dawaki Road in Kaduna belonging to Mohammed Badamasi Babangida and used that address in official correspondence and memoranda. Mohammed is the first son of President Ibrahim Babangida. This was Babangida connection to which EFCC hung on when they were rummaging through Globacom documents. This was, according to them, irrefutable evidence that Babangida was a major shareholder in Globacom and that his son, Mohammed Babangida, or G.Subair or Mike was fronting for Babangida in this venture.
“Mike told me how he had raised money through the BNP Paribas Bank in France and how he paid to New York for the Globacom licensing fees. All the money involved could be traced with supporting documents to France and New York in the form of a huge loan. The Bank BNP Paribas on its part had a letter stating clearly their involvement in the transaction and Mike wanted to present this among other documents to President Obasanjo. I called Obasanjo and relayed the facts as I had them from Mike to him. I requested for his fax number so that I could fax Mike’s letter explaining all the transactions and the Bank of Paribas letter to him. As soon as he gave me the fax number, I faxed the documents to him. Still, Obasanjo was not satisfied. It seemed that it was all a ruse because they were really after Atiku and Babangida and wanted Mike to implicate them. Mike refused to cooperate. If he was not going to cooperate, they thought, harassment would do it. On 19 August 2006, I made a statement to the press asking Obasanjo to caution Nuhu Ribadu, the head of the EFCC, about his mode of operations. I denounced the harassment of citizens by EFCC and urged them to go to court if they had anything concrete against anyone.
“While Mike was in exile, we shared a moment of relaxation together. We took a holiday together in south of France with some members of our families. I had with me my wife Olori Kemi, my daughter, Ronke and Oba Adekoya, the Dagburewe of Idowa. Mike came along with his two daughters and his niece.
“While on this holiday, the President of France, Jacques Chirac, was going to be holding a conference with African Heads of State in Nice. Coincidentally, we got to know that Obasanjo was booked to stay in the same hotel where we were staying. Later, we learnt he had changed his mind and would not be attending the conference.
Then not long afterwards, we were told he had decided to attend after all. By the time he finally decided to attend, all the rooms in the hotel were fully booked and he was now booked into another, Embassy Hotel, which was a stone’s throw from when we were.
“I got to know that he would check in at 8.00am on the day of the conference. At 8.330am, I went to his hotel and took Mike along with me. From the reception, I spoke to him on the phone. “When he asked from where I was speaking, I told him I was downstairs in the lobby of his hotel! He said he would send someone down immediately to lead me up to his suite, and he did so. I left Mike behind in the hotel lobby.
“When I got to his suite, there were already a number of people in the corridor, in his living room and the dining room waiting to see him. His ADC took me straight to see him in his bedroom. I had hardly settled down when he started talking to me about his deputy, Abubakar Atiku. He was at daggers drawn with Atiku.
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SHOCKER! Sheikh Gumi Mentions Two Top Nigerian Leaders Who Visited Militants
Islamic cleric Sheikh Ahmad Gumi has raised questions about why no Nigerian government official has engaged Boko Haram terrorists and bandits through direct negotiations, drawing a comparison with the high-level outreach that helped end Niger Delta militancy
Gumi made the argument in a Facebook post on Saturday, July 25, citing how former President Goodluck Jonathan and former Vice President Yemi Osinbajo personally entered the Niger Delta creeks to meet armed militants and returned with frameworks that reduced the violence.
“The former President Jonathan visited delta militants in the creeks, so also the former vice president Osinbajo. They all came up with a program to tame the militants.”
He then directed a pointed question at critics of such engagement in the North: “Who is going to visit BH and bandits to tame them without fools castigating them?”
He then directed a pointed question at critics of such engagement in the North: “Who is going to visit BH and bandits to tame them without fools castigating them?”
The retired soldier has spent years positioning himself as a mediator between the Nigerian state and armed groups operating in the North-West and North-East, making repeated visits to bandit camps in Zamfara and other states to hear their demands. His core argument has remained consistent — that negotiation ended Niger Delta militancy and should be tried in the North.
His interventions have not been without controversy. Some Nigerians accuse him of legitimising groups responsible for kidnappings, killings and cattle rustling, while others credit his work with securing the freedom of kidnap victims. Gumi has denied backing terrorism, saying his goal is to end bloodshed through dialogue and rehabilitation.
The amnesty programme that Gumi referenced was launched in 2009 under the late President Umaru Yar’Adua and continued under Jonathan. Thousands of militants were disarmed in exchange for training, monthly stipends and reintegration support, which significantly reduced attacks on oil infrastructure in
Jonathan’s first direct engagement with Niger Delta militants came in 2007, when he was serving as vice-president.
He entered the creeks in Warri, Delta State, without armed protection to meet ex-militant leader Government Ekpemupolo, known as Tompolo. Jonathan later said that the meeting laid the groundwork for the amnesty programme, which remains operational today.
Osinbajo undertook a similar mission in 2017, visiting Niger Delta communities as acting president and meeting directly with militants and traditional leaders.
He justified the visits by describing those in the creeks as citizens with genuine grievances rather than purely security threats.
News
Voter Registration Ends Sunday, INEC Reminds Nigerians
The Independent National Electoral Commission has urged eligible Nigerians to take advantage of the remaining days of the Continuous Voter Registration, warning that the registration window will close on Sunday, July 26, 2026.
In a public notice issued on its X handle on Saturday the electoral body reminded prospective voters that they could complete their registration online from start to finish through its dedicated CVR portal or visit designated registration centres nationwide for physical assistance.
“Your future won’t wait. Neither should you. The Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) exercise ends Sunday, 26 July 2026,” the commission said.
INEC encouraged Nigerians who require assistance to visit any of its state offices, local government area offices or designated registration centres to complete the process in person.
The commission also stated that all registration centres would remain open daily, including weekends, from 9:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. until the exercise ends.
“You can complete your voter registration online from start to finish via cvr.inecnigeria.org. If you need assistance, visit any INEC State Office, LGA Office, or designated registration centre to complete your registration in person,” the commission added.
The CVR exercise is part of INEC’s preparations for the 2027 general elections, enabling eligible Nigerians and those seeking to update their voter information to be included in the national register of voters.
News
Walkout Rocks House As State Police Bill Passes
The House of Representatives on Thursday approved the Constitution Alteration Bill seeking to establish State Police across Nigeria, despite a protest and walkout by members of the minority caucus, who argued that the legal framework required further refinement and that the constitutional amendment process was not properly followed.
The bill, titled “A Bill for an Act to alter the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 to provide for the establishment of state police services and for related matters,” secured the constitutionally required two-thirds majority after consideration by the House.
The legislation was transmitted to the National Assembly by President Bola Tinubu as part of the administration’s efforts to decentralise policing and strengthen the country’s security architecture amid persistent insecurity across several parts of Nigeria.
If it is harmonised with the Senate version, approved by at least two-thirds of the 36 state Houses of Assembly and assented to by the President in line with constitutional requirements for constitutional amendments, the legislation will create the constitutional basis for the establishment of State Police Services.
Presenting the report of the House Committee on Constitution Review, Deputy Speaker and Committee Chairman, Benjamin Kalu, described the proposal as one of the most significant constitutional reforms in Nigeria’s security sector.
He commended President Tinubu for transmitting the executive bill, saying it reflected constructive cooperation between the executive and legislative arms of government.
According to him, the amendment is designed to bring policing closer to the people, improve intelligence gathering, strengthen community policing and enable state governments respond more effectively to evolving security threats.
“This bill is not merely about creating another policing institution. It is about bringing policing closer to the people, strengthening intelligence gathering, enhancing community policing, improving coordination among security agencies and empowering governments to respond more effectively to the complex and evolving security challenges confronting our nation,” Kalu said.
He acknowledged that the proposal might not satisfy every stakeholder but argued that constitutional reform is an incremental process.
According to him, the amendment only establishes the constitutional foundation for State Police, while critical implementation issues—including recruitment, training, operational standards, funding, accountability and intergovernmental coordination—would be addressed through subsequent legislation.
“We must not allow the pursuit of perfection to become the enemy of meaningful progress,” he added, urging lawmakers to support what he described as a historic reform.
Controversy over voting
Proceedings, however, took a dramatic turn during the Committee of the Whole.
Rather than conducting a clause-by-clause consideration and vote, as is customary for constitutional amendment bills, the Speaker, Tajudeen Abbas read the long title of the bill before putting it to a voice vote.
Before the vote, Abbas announced that 311 lawmakers had indicated support for the legislation. According to him, the figure comprised 211 members of the All Progressives Congress, 65 lawmakers from other political parties physically present in the chamber and 35 members participating virtually through the House’s electronic platform.
He explained that the Constitution requires the support of at least two-thirds of the 360-member House—240 votes—for a constitutional amendment to succeed.
Rowdy session
Many Opposition lawmakers staged a walkout in protest over what they described as a breach of parliamentary procedure.
The protest followed the Speaker of the House, Tajudeen Abbas’ decision to put the bill to a voice vote without reading and considering each of its 26 clauses individually, despite attempts by members of the minority caucus to raise objections.
The Minority Leader, Frederick Agbedi, repeatedly sought to raise a point of order during the proceedings but was not recognised by the Speaker.
Rather than subject each clause of the bill to separate consideration and voting, Abbas called for a voice vote, asking members in support of the state police bill to say “aye” and those against it to say “nay.”
After declaring that the “ayes” had prevailed, the Speaker’s ruling prompted members of the minority caucus to stage a walkout from the Green Chamber in protest.
This turned the session into a chaotic situation with the Speaker repeatedly hitting the gavel to in a bid to bring semblance of order.
Minority faults process
Addressing journalists after the walkout, the minority caucus spokesman, Afam Ogene, questioned both the method used to determine the number of members present and the voting procedure adopted by the House.
He argued that the attendance register signed by lawmakers at the commencement of plenary remains the only legitimate means of determining quorum.
“We were shocked to hear names being read out that we do not know where they came from. The way of determining members present in a sitting is through the register. That is why members sign it every legislative day,” Ogene said.
He further alleged that the Speaker, while presiding over the Committee of the Whole, disregarded the provisions of Section 9(2) of the 1999 Constitution by denying lawmakers the opportunity to consider and amend the bill clause by clause.
The Minority Leader, Frederick Agbedi, insisted that the caucus supports the creation of State Police but opposed what it described as a failure to comply with due legislative process.
“We are not against state police. Whatever will help address insecurity in this country, we will support. But every action of Parliament must follow due process,” Agbedi said.
He argued that the House Standing Orders require every clause of a constitutional amendment bill to be considered and approved separately by a two-thirds majority.
According to him, lawmakers were denied the opportunity to scrutinise individual provisions of the bill or move amendments before the legislation was passed.
Agbedi also alleged that he was prevented from raising a constitutional point of order before being ruled out of order by the Chair.
“If we walked out of the chamber, where then did our votes come from? Can anyone count our votes? Can a constitutional amendment be decided by a voice vote?
“The Constitution and our Standing Orders require a two-thirds majority for each clause,” he argued. He maintained that the protest was aimed at defending parliamentary integrity and the rule of law rather than opposing State Police.
Further review
In a letter dated July 22, 2026 and addressed to the Speaker, the minority caucus reiterated its support for state police but argued that the current constitutional framework contains significant legal and institutional gaps.
Signed by Ogene, the letter urged the House leadership to recommit the bill for further legislative work to address what it described as constitutional ambiguities, drafting inconsistencies, jurisdictional uncertainties, governance gaps and unresolved institutional issues.
“The minority caucus unequivocally supports the principle of state police. Our concern is not against state police; it is against adopting an incomplete constitutional framework,” the letter read in part
The lawmakers warned that constitutional amendments establish permanent institutions and therefore require the highest level of legislative scrutiny to avoid future legal disputes and operational challenges.
Funding concerns
The caucus said in the letter, “One of the most serious concerns arising from the proposed reform is the financial burden that the establishment and efficient operation of state police will place on state governments. The establishment of state police will transfer a significant part of the policing responsibility presently undertaken and financed by the Federal Government to state governments.”
In its recommendations, the Agbedi-led caucus called for a restructuring of Nigeria’s fiscal framework to ensure states have the financial capacity to fund state police.
It recommended that “15 per cent of the Federation Account allocation currently accruing to the Federal Government be transferred to the states to finance policing responsibilities.”
According to the caucus, “devolving policing powers without corresponding financial resources would amount to creating an unfunded constitutional mandate.”
Security experts, lawyers
The lawmakers urged the Speaker to suspend the immediate adoption of the bill and recommit it for a limited technical review involving constitutional lawyers, security experts, state governments, fiscal authorities and other relevant stakeholders.
They maintained that their intervention was intended to strengthen—not frustrate—the establishment of state police. “Nigeria deserves the right state police framework that is constitutionally sound, adequately funded and capable of withstanding future legal and operational challenges,” the caucus added.
The debate over state police has remained one of Nigeria’s most contentious constitutional issues for more than two decades. Successive administrations, security experts and state governors have argued that the country’s highly centralised policing structure has become increasingly inadequate in responding to rising insecurity, including banditry, kidnapping, terrorism and communal violence.
Supporters of state police contend that decentralising law enforcement would improve intelligence gathering, strengthen community policing and enable faster responses to local security threats.
Opponents, however, have consistently warned that state-controlled police could be abused by governors for political purposes, particularly during elections, while concerns also persist over the ability of many states to finance and sustain independent police services.
The House’s approval marks a major legislative milestone for the proposal. However, the constitutional amendment must still secure passage in the Senate and receive approval from at least 24 state Houses of Assembly before it can become part of the Constitution.
Dirisu Yakubu
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